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But, short and medium term uncertainties continue, especially for banks that are directly as well as indirectly in the power of government to influence. Government may decide to split investment banking from traditional banking? This has yet to be investigated and debated. Perhaps the big banks feel these are arguments they can win, and yet they appear to be risking government anger by not growing small firm lending, which after all is only 1.5% of their balance sheets! LBG, with the biggest market share in UK banking (c.25+%) appears to have it first priority to get its share price above the threshold of 62p, which it has achieved, and then past 73p when government might be tempted to sell so that it might escape state control, for reasons not unlike its change of mind half a year ago over participation in the Bank of England's APS.
For the government and the economy the biggest question repeatedly asked is why are banks not lending more to businesses to aid recovery, especially to SME firms? This is deeply vital to its economic forecasts.
The UK government's economic strategy depends on the Office for Budget Responsibility's forecast that job creation will repeat the experience post 1991 recession.
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If banks grow credit to finance stock-building, consumer spending or purchases of plant and machinery, or covers cash-flow gaps and running losses while businesses expand or cope with a downturn, then the real economic impact will be direct.
The banking system is is essential pump-priming in the economy. Depression is associated with a collapse of bank lending and money supply (on assets side not just liabilities side of banks' balance sheets).
Even non-monetarists should be watching money supply (disaggregated) and bank lending numbers like a hawk. If bank credit stagnates and or continues to contract, especially in areas where economic growth would be directly boosted, then the government and everyone else can conclude the economy is not being served by its banks.
Banks have few friends and admirers; few happy customers. They should be doing all they can to be genuinely seen to be helping economic recovery even if it means postponing restructuring their balance sheets to get back to 'normal' 150-200bp/assets margin profits sooner than later. Are the banks looking back to the last recession recovery period that of the 1990s and seeking to replay their lending recovery of those years? I suspect they may be doing this but drawing negative conclusions.
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The banks claim they approve 80% of loan applications, by which they really mean 80% of those judged to be higher quality borrowers, which, as BBA spokesperson says, "have good business models" (pots and kettles?) as if banks really knew, but that translates to about 40% of loan demand being satisfied and many of these are merely loan roll-overs, not net increases because loan outstandings are not growing.
Banks also all say that businesses are more interested in building savings and lowering their debt. That may have been more true over a year ago, but corporations are raising bond finance and equity while SME firms wholly depend on banks. But this is a function of small firms birth and death rates. Annually a third of a million firms close for various reasons of which under 10% go bust, and a third of a million start up. In recession and low growth periods start-ups fall more than closures rise. The sad fact is that banks are building up the share of deposits in their liabilities and to do so holding down loan approvals (stricter credit risk conditions like higher collateral, even insisting on more liquid collateral!) and thereby shrinking their total loans in real if not absolute terms.
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- can government persuade the banks to increase small firm lending? - balance sheet shrinkage - when is it time to stop and to grow new business? - how to cut costs without losing good people and harming valuable business? - will UK Banking Commission recommend splitting off investment from 'trad' banking? - it reports by Sept.'11; can or will government sell any bank shares before then? - from profit what splits to make between Retained profit / Dividends / Bonuses? - is net interest income solid so that dividends & shares can dependably rise? - will corporate bonds and small firm defaults peak later or are we over the hump? - additional regulations to curb risk-taking: are they a real burden; do they work? - sales of banking & other units; are the issues more problematic than their price? - what is the value of branch networks to retail commercial banking? - can banks solve their core systems problems to update and replace them soon? - living wills, how to simplify large banking groups to satisfy the regulators? - are our largest banks beyond management oversight & control by boards? - if so, how and with what systems to assert effective control of 'risk appetite'? - are supervisory regulators going to 'pass' all the banks risk reporting? - where are UK, USA, EU economies & global trade heading - new patterns to finance? - can banks do comprehensive macro-modelling required by Basel II Pillar II? - property holdings of banks from foreclosures - is it now time to sell? - is confidence restored among funding sources to easily finance funding gaps? - back-to-normal? Can banking return to doing business just as before the crisis?
Answering such questions is the work of very special consultant experts, who may borrow watches to tell the time and check the wall clocks, but the landscape of time telling for banks has become exceptionally surreal, very Daliesque. Nearly all bankers they are in strange territory doing business in circumstances they have no previous experience of.
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In the past two decades, traders and junior managers increasingly drove banking businesses silo-fashion. Banks looked more like conglomerations of specialist units - mortgages - business lending - trading teams per asset class - structured products - domestic - international - retail - investment - all divining their own risk appetite (that ubiquitous term beloved of risk regulation and private client investing that no-one really knows how to define or compute) and they were silo-wise responsible for their own narrowly defined profit/loss.
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These are the essential questions that supervisory regulators ask in risk audits (to the best of their abilities in judging the data they are presented with). But, the fact is that all major banks and most others have severe problems of one sort or another, and then the question is do these problems matter short, medium or long term?
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When the Credit Crunch struck UK banks had nearly £1 trillion in funding gap (between deposits and loans). That was double their regulatory 'own capital' and 15% ratio to total assets (loans & net trading investments). In general funding gaps are borrowing short to lend long, precisely the liquidity risk in the liabilities side of their balance sheets that is generally derided as classic high risk. In the years 2000/1-2007/8 funding gaps grew almost exponentially. Had recession kicked in two years earlier in 2006 problems of the Credit crunch would have been much less severe. Structured products (securitizing loanbooks) postponed recession by two years. Those banks with the largest funding gap refinancing needs in 2008 were hit worst by the short-sellers when they refused to jump at the hurdles of sharp rises in funding gap price spreads for fear of losing their bonus-laden profits. The results were they risked their banks' solvency.
If banks should operate in repeating fashion year-round like clocks, bankers do so like thoroughbred horses in a steeplechase taking bets, but running the course too -
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But, with government's help (Bank of England asset swaps worth £500bn) and their own balance sheet shrinkage (first netting off derivatives, then liquidating other own portfolio trading assets, withdrawing cross-border interbank lending, and letting loans mature with minimal new lending (i.e. shrinking their loan books) and waiting for deposits to rise, UK banks' funding gaps have shrunk from nearly £1tn to less than half of that!
LBG and RBS restructured their balance sheets most of all - they had to - including reducing assets (loans & trading book) by more than a third over the short to medium term, 1-3, not 1-5, years. This was largely to better manage their refinancing requirements, reducing wholesale funding and the % of short-term financing within that. The Bank of England (and no doubt UKFI ltd. of HMT) advised all banks to shift their wholesale borrowing to longer term maturities (as the government itself was also doing) and of course thereby getting that borrowing more in line with asset maturities - and worry less about interest rate risk. The banks have to forecast and calculate the 'stickiness' of deposits, more closely align liabilities (mainly deposits) to assets (mainly loans) - in effect get the cogs of the banks on both sides of their balance sheets to move more precisely with each other.
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- cross-border interbank lending rapid shrinkage
- closing funding gaps substantially i.e. shrinking customer lending by 20-30%
- let 3% annual inflation whittle away at private sector debts
- play for time for mortgages to amortise so outstandings and LtV ratios fall
- build up capital and prepare for off-balance sheet assets coming back on
- work out delinquent loans and not make new ones for fear of higher defaults
- prepare for possibility that past pattern of trade and bank lending cannot be repeated again, not in next 5 years or so at least?
Internally within individual banks, shrinking balance sheets to realign assets and liabilities appears sensible and prudent, but not when all banks in aggregate are doing the same! Externally, to those on whom banks should be seeking to win back goodwill and confidence, it looks like selfishly putting the banks first and the economy second. If we want our banks to look more like traditional clockwork mechanics, then the rest of the economy will have to shrink too and grow more closely to the lower rate of income growth with much less credit recycling.
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Without the high budget deficits of 10%+ of GDP, M2+ could have been contracting at more than 10%. Similarly, without the deficit nominal private sector output could have contracted at a depression rate that in the 1930s for several years was about 15% annually. Government has limits (partly those of Maastricht) to its fiscal stance so that it cannot on its own stop both real and nominal GDP stagnating, and in a world were most countries are seeking more external than internal growth impulse, the prospect of growing at substantial rates is low without substantial growth from capital investment for which bank lending to businesses is a major supply-side driver. The implication from ongoing contraction of bank lending and repair of bank balance sheets is that high government deficits to boost private sector output will continue just to keep nominal GDP from again contracting. Government attempts to recover the economy are made fragile by banks shrinking their loanbooks. For a private, highly leveraged, debt-based economy, there can be little or no private sector growth with bank lending contracting at 5-8% of private GDP.
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If the banks had assurances from the Bank of England about how it can step in as a backstop to ensure completion of refinancing deals, then this might also usefully take the pressure off the brake on bank lending. Our clocks are currently going backwards!
Raising money for and by banks may come up against a much tougher backdrop for the banking industry, especially once (and if at al) the EU stabilisation Fund of €750bn starts monetizing its state guarantees to borrow against its bonds (though I judge this will take most of this year to structure contractually) which though conditions (risk spreads) have improved marginally are still far from the easy money of the credit boom years.
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